2014年10月2日 华盛顿
美国最有影响的报纸之一华盛顿邮报，于中共建政65周年纪念日发表社论，支持香港学生和市民争取真普选的和平抗命运动，呼吁美国政府向北京当局表达更清晰和强硬的反对暴力镇压的态度。
我们总结一个星期以来的国际舆论，和平香港、反对武力镇压已经成为共同的声音，和平香港行动发起人之一杨建利博士认为“这样的声音已经形成了很强的舆论压力，北京动武的可能性已经降低，但是我们不能掉以轻心。我个人认为，目前我们的当务之急是在国际社会形成要求港府与学生和市民平等对话声音。”
为了增加香港学生和市民与国际社会的直接交流，宣导他们的理念和争取国际社会的支持，和平香港行动团队正在敦请他们派出代表，并安排他们他们在各种国际论坛发言的机会，据悉，和平香港行动团队已经争取到奥斯陆自由论坛的宴请函，奥斯陆自由论坛是规模很大的国际人权会议，每年举行一次，今年的论坛将在10月20日在奥斯陆召开。
附：
October 1, 2014
Standing against repression
The U.S. must tell China that a crackdown on the Hong Kong protesters would have costs.
IT’S HARD not to be inspired by the images of crowds in the center of Hong Kong peacefully demonstrating in favor of democracy, their unlikely symbol not a clenched fist but an open umbrella. But it’s also difficult not to remember the similar mass demonstrations that filled Beijing’s Tiananmen Square 25 years ago and how those ended. The pessimistic consensus in and outside China is that the Communist party leadership of Xi Jinping, which has adopted a hard line against political dissent, is likely to forcibly crush this protest movement if it persists, just as the last one was crushed.
Beijing, however, has not acted yet; police in Hong Kong backed off on Monday and Tuesday after their use of tear gas over the weekend brought more people to the streets. Chinese authorities probably are weighing the risks of allowing the street occupations to continue against those of initiating a crackdown. That makes this a crucial moment for the United States to send a clear message to Mr. Xi: that repression is unacceptable and will damage China’s relations with the democratic world.
Unfortunately, the Obama administration’s response so far has been gallingly timid. White House and State Department spokesmen have carefully avoided offering explicit support for the demonstrators’ demands for free elections for the city’s leader, rather than a managed choice among nominees approved by Beijing. They have urged the demonstrators to be peaceful, though only the police have resorted to violence.
As a supporter of the 1984 agreement under which Hong Kong was transferred from British to Chinese rule, the United States has an obligation to speak up when China violates the spirit of its promise to allow an elected government — as it clearly has. Yet the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong went so far as to declare that “we do not take sides in the discussion of Hong Kong’s political development, nor do we support any particular individuals or groups involved in it.”
Even more concerning is U.S. nonchalance about a possible crackdown. Asked about speculation that Chinese military units stationed in Hong Kong could be used against the protesters, the State Department’s spokesman said Monday that “I have not seen that potential at this point in time. I can check with our team to see if that’s a concern we have.”
State would do well to check with Chinese dissidents such as Yang Jianli, Teng Biao and Hu Jia, who know the regime’s capacity for repression all too well. In an oped published by the Wall Street Journal on Tuesday, the three men pointed out that Chinese officials “have threatened repeatedly that Hong Kong-based units of China’s People’s Liberation Army will use force to suppress peaceful demonstrations,” adding, “this tragic outcome is becoming more likely.”
After the 1989 Tiananmen massacre, President George H.W. Bush and Congress imposed tough sanctions on China, though Mr. Bush soon backed down. Since then China has grown into a major power that is more resistant to outside pressure. The United States cannot protect Hong Kong’s democracy movement if Mr. Xi decides to crush it. But it can and should support its demand for genuine democracy and let China know that the use of force would have consequences for U.S.-Chinese relations.
中译稿（顾卫国翻译）：
华盛顿日报社论
2014年10月1日
美國必须告訴中國，鎮壓香港的抗議民眾將會讓其付出代價。
看到香港市中心大批的力爭民主的和平示威者的畫面，很少人能無動於衷，他們的象徵不是緊握的拳頭，卻是打開的雨傘。人們也很難忘記25年前擠滿了北京天安門廣場的類似的示威民眾，也不會忘記他們的最後的結局。而目前中國國內外的悲觀共識是——如果這樣的抗議活動曠不停止的話，對政治異見者態度強硬的共產黨的領導人習近平，很可能採取強行鎮壓的行動，香港的示威民眾將會和天安門廣場上的抗議者遭受一樣的命運。
但是北京目前還沒有採取行動；香港警方在週末使用了催淚彈，這使更多的人走上街頭，在此後的週一和週二並警方的行動變得更溫和。中國政府目前可能正在評估兩種的風險，即讓示威者繼續佔領街頭，或是對其進行鎮壓。在這個時刻，很重要的是美國政府應向習近平先生發出明確的信息：即美國將反對中國政府的鎮壓行為，如這樣做，中國與民主世界國家的關係也將受到損害。
不幸的是，奧巴馬政府迄今為止所作出的膽怯的反應卻令人氣憤。白宮和國務院的發言人都謹慎地避免明確支持示威者的要求， 示威者的要求是，自由地選舉香港特首，反對被操控的、只能在北京認可的候選人之間挑選他們的特首。示威者們被呼籲採取和平的方式，但目前已訴諸暴力的只有警方而已。
中英兩國在1984年就香港回歸達成了協議，美國對此協議表示支持。而中國政府現在分明違背了它對民主選舉香港政府的承諾，美國政府理應有義務站出來說話。然而，美國駐香港領事館竟然宣稱，“對於香港政治局勢的討論，我們不選邊站，我們也不支持任何參與這場討論的個人或團體。”
更令人擔心的是，美國對可能的出現的鎮壓表現出冷淡的態度。星期一當國務院發言人被問及中國的駐港部隊是否有可能被用來對付示威者時，他說，“目前我還沒有看到有這種可能。我和我的團隊核實後，我才能決定我們是否需要為此擔心。”
國務院更應該與中國的持不同政見者如楊建利、滕彪和胡佳進行核實，他們對中國政府的鎮壓能力太清楚不過了。週二的《華爾街日報》評論中，他們三人指出，中國官員“一再威脅說中國人民解放軍的駐港部隊將使用武力鎮壓和平示威者”，他們還指出，“這樣的悲慘結局正在變得越來越可能。”
1989年天安門大屠殺後，喬治·布什總統和美國國會對中國實施了強硬的制裁，但布什很快就退縮了。從那時起，中國已成為一個更能抵抗外界壓力的大國。如果習近平先生決定採取鎮壓，美國當然無力保護香港的民主，但它能夠、而且應該支持香港人民對真正的民主的追求，並能夠讓中國明白，使用武力將會給美中關係帶來後果。
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YANG Jianli 杨建利
President, Initiatives for China/Citizen Power for China – 公 民 力 量 义工
Research Fellow, Harvard University – 哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院 研究员
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2014/10/2 20:14:46
