【编者按】美国众议院汤姆.兰托斯人权委员会、国会暨行政当局中国委员会于2021年5月18日联合举办题为“中国、种族灭绝和奥林匹克”的听证会，公民力量创办人杨建利博士、Susan V. Lawrence, Specialist in Asian Affairs, Congressional Research Service, Rayhan Asat, Human Rights Lawyer and Advocate, Yale World Fellow, Samuel Chu, Managing Director, Hong Kong Democracy Council, Reggie Littlejohn, President, Women’s Rights Without Frontiers, Sophie Richardson, China Director, Human Rights Watch等应邀出席作证，众议院议长佩洛西听证会召开前夕决定作为证人参加听证会使得听证会备受关注。听证会由汤姆.兰托斯委员会共同主席斯密斯众议员，主席麦戈文众议员主持，麦戈文众议员还是国会暨行政当局中国委员会的主席。 《议报》发表杨建利博士的证词（中、英文）以飨读者。杨建利博士在回答问题时还提到丁家喜、许志永、牛腾宇遭受酷刑的几个案例，并要求美国国会就中国对良心犯普遍实施酷刑的议题举办听证会。
Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission Hearing,
and Congressional-Executive Commission on China
Hearing on China, Genocide and the Olympics
May 18, 2021 – 1:00 p.m.
Virtual, via WebEx
Statement of Dr. Yang Jianli
发言人：杨建利博士，
Founder and President of Citizen Power Initiatives for China
公民力量发起人和主席
Dr. Yang Jianli in virtual meeting 杨建利博士在视频会议中
In choosing Beijing to host the 2022 Winter Olympics, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) has chosen to either trust the Chinese government’s assurances regarding human rights – even though Beijing’s record in preparing for the 2008 Olympics was deplorable – or not to care at all. Or both.
在选择北京主办2022年冬奥会时，国际奥委会（IOC）选择相信中国政府关于人权的保证–尽管北京在筹备2008年奥运会时的记录令人遗憾，要么选择根本不关心。或者两者都有。
“The decision in 2001 to give the games to China was made in the hope of improvement in human rights and, indeed, the Chinese themselves said that having the games would accelerate progress in such matters,” former IOC member Dick Pound has written. The IOC, when it gave the Olympics to China, seemed to think they could change China by granting it the opportunity to host the highest attended world event. Unfortunately, it turned out that the Chinese government wanted only to change the world’s image of China through it.
前国际奥委会委员迪克-庞德（Dick Pound）写道：”2001年将奥运会交给中国的决定是希望改善人权，事实上，中国人自己也说，拥有奥运会将加速这些方面的进展。国际奥委会在将奥运会交给中国时，似乎认为他们可以通过给予中国举办参与度最高的世界赛事的机会来改变中国。不幸的是，事实证明，中国政府只想通过它来改变世界对中国的印象。
As the world watched, the Chinese government committed gross human rights abuses in the run-up to the 2008 Games.
在全世界的注视下，中国政府在2008年奥运会前犯下了严重的侵犯人权行为。
But just before the IOC’s final decision in 2015 to choose China for the 2022 Winter Olympics, IOC official Mark Adams said in a letter that Beijing had given the IOC new “assurances” concerning “human rights, the right to demonstrate, media freedom to report on the Games with no restrictions on the Internet, labor rights, displacement, and environmental protection.” He said the IOC “is confident that the Government of China would take all necessary measures to ensure the Olympic Charter” and its IOC contract “would be respected should they be elected.” In other words, it’s 2008 all over again. Actually, much worse.
但就在2015年国际奥委会最终决定选择中国举办2022年冬奥会之前，国际奥委会官员马克-亚当斯在一封信中说，北京已经向国际奥委会做出了新的 “保证”，涉及 “人权、示威权利、媒体可以不受网控可以自由报道奥运会、劳工权利、驱赶人口和环境保护”。他说，国际奥委会 “相信中国政府将采取一切必要措施，确保《奥林匹克宪章》的执行以及他们和国际奥委会的合同 “在他们当选后得到尊重。” 换句话说，这又是2008年的事情。事实上，情况要糟糕得多。
The Uyghur genocide, the crushing of political and civil freedoms in Hong Kong, the deepening assault on Tibetan culture and religion, the forced erasure of Mongolian and other ethnic minority identities, rampant torture of prisoners of conscience, mass digital surveillance of the entire population, “hostage diplomacy,” unremitting attacks on human rights lawyers, rule of law, freedom of expression, freedom of religion –– the list goes on and on.
维吾尔族的种族灭绝，粉碎香港的政治和公民自由，加深对西藏文化和宗教的攻击，强行抹去蒙古族和其他少数民族的身份，对政治犯的猖獗酷刑，对整个人口的大规模数字监控，”人质外交”，对人权律师、法治、言论自由、宗教自由的不懈攻击–这个名单还在不断增加。
Here we are again: The U.S. and other democracies are facing a difficult test. Just like any other test, one either passes or fails.
我们又再次遇到同样的问题：美国和其他民主国家正面临着一个艰难的考验。就像任何其他测试一样，要么通过，要么失败。
There is every reason for rights-respecting governments to stay far away from the 2022 Beijing Olympics. They should and can.
尊重人权的政府完全有理由远离2022年北京奥运会。他们应该而且可以做到。
Both IOC president Thomas Bach and Chinese dictator Xi Jinping are loudly proclaiming that sports and politics don’t mix and that the Games should not be “politicized.”
国际奥委会主席托马斯-巴赫和中国独裁者习近平都大声宣称，体育和政治不能混为一谈，奥运会不应该被 “政治化”。
We, as human rights activists, are all too familiar with what is meant by the “politicization” of an event, be it academic, sports, cultural, business or entertainment. By Xi’s definition, any stance on any issue is an act of politicization if he does not like it. Period.
作为人权活动人士，我们非常熟悉把一个事件”政治化”是什么意思，无论是学术、体育、文化、商业还是娱乐。根据习近平的定义，如果他不喜欢，对任何问题的任何立场都是他认为所谓“政治化”的行为。
According to the Olympic Charter, the goal of Olympism is “to place sport at the service of the harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity.” Genocide is the antithesis of the “harmonious development of humankind”! Forced labor is not for the preservation of human dignity. The Olympics are bound to be political if these issues are defined to be political. At the same time, as legal expert Andrea Worden points out, we cannot deny that the modern Olympic Games have always been political, and wishing otherwise doesn’t change the reality that they are, in fact, deeply political. As political scientist and Olympics expert Jules Boykoff aptly puts it: “To say the Olympics transcend politics is to conjure fantasy” [Power Games: A Political History of the Olympics (Verso, 2016, p.2).] Beijing 2022 will be Xi Jinping’s Games just as the 1936 Berlin Olympics were Hitler’s. Let’s see why this is so.
根据《奥林匹克宪章》，奥林匹克的目标是 “让体育为人类的和谐发展服务，以促进一个关注维护人类尊严的和平社会。” 种族灭绝是 “人类和谐发展 “的对立面! 强迫劳动不是为了维护人类尊严。如果这些问题被定义为政治问题，那么奥运会就必然是政治性的。同时，正如法律专家Andrea Worden所指出的，我们不能否认现代奥运会一直都是政治性的，希望不这样做并不能改变现实，因为它们实际上是深具政治性的。正如政治学家和奥运会专家JulesBoykoff所说的那样。”认为奥运会可以超越政治这样的想法纯属幻想”[Power Games: A Political History of the Olympics (Verso, 2016, p.2)]。 北京2022年将是习近平的奥运会，就像1936年柏林奥运会是希特勒的一样。让我们看看为什么会这样。
The 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, which will be attended by diplomats and dignitaries from the world’s major powers from every continent, will serve Xi Jinping’s political agenda in many ways, all intended and planned by the CCP regime:
2022年北京冬奥会将有来自世界各大国的外交官和政要参加，将在许多方面为习近平的政治议程服务，这些都是中共政权的意图和计划。
1. Allowing Beijing to host the Games, without protest or opposition, will serve as tacit approval of the CCP’s model of authoritarian capitalism, digital totalitarianism, and rights-free development.
允许北京在没有抗议或反对的情况下举办奥运会，将成为对中共的专制资本主义、数字极权主义和零人权经济发展模式的默许。
2. By supporting, attending and participating in the Games, the entire world will become complicit in China’s Uyghur genocide and other atrocious crimes against humanity, enabling China to actively promote and globally export its repressive human rights agenda and views.
通过支持、出席和参与奥运会，整个世界将成为中国维吾尔族种族灭绝和其他残暴的反人类罪行的同谋，使中国能够积极促进并在全球范围内输出其压制性人权议程和观点。
3. The Games will serve as a de facto international coronation of Xi Jinping, essentially recognizing him as leader-for-life prior to his official coronation 8 months later when he is set to break the previous two-term presidential limit and enter his third term of leadership.
这届奥运会将成为习近平事实上的国际加冕仪式，实质上是承认他在8个月后正式加冕之前成为终身领导人，届时他将打破之前的两届主席任期限制，进入他的第三任任期。
4. The Games will serve as a vehicle to drive Chinese nationalistic fervor, which is a major source of legitimacy for the rule of the CCP, particularly of Xi Jinping.
奥运会将成为推动中国民族主义热情的工具，这是中国共产党，特别是习近平统治合法性的主要来源。
5. The Games will be a propaganda spectacle through which the CCP and Xi Jinping boast about their successful containment of COVID-19, economic recovery, “harmonious society” and “ethnic unity”; and will serve as a vehicle for propagating the view that “Chinese (Xi-ist) wisdom” and a “Chinese solution” pave the way towards a happy, prosperous, pandemic-free world. The CCP will not spare a second to try to project to the global audience a “soft power” which China lacks and is eager to obtain in order to rise on the world stage.
这届运动会将是一个宣传盛宴，中共和习近平将通过这个盛宴夸耀他们成功遏制了COVID-19、经济复苏、”和谐社会 “和 “民族团结”；并将成为宣传 “中国（习）智慧 “和 “中国解决方案 “为实现一个幸福、繁荣、无流行病的世界铺平道路的载体。中国共产党将不遗余力地向全球观众展示中国所缺乏的 “软实力”，并渴望获得这种实力，以便在世界舞台上崛起。
6. Participating in or attending the Games will serve as tacit recognition of Xi Jinping’s vision of a “community of common destiny for mankind” (rénlèi mìngyùn gòngtóngtǐ), which is poised to become one of the key narratives of the Games. Zhang Jun, China’s ambassador to the United Nations, made this clear when he introduced the Beijing 2022 Games to the UN General Assembly in December 2019. He said: “The Olympic Games is not only an arena for athletes, but also a bridge of friendship for people of all countries. … As we share the same world and a common future, China will always be a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, a defender of international order and will work towards building a community of common destiny for mankind.”
参加或出席奥运会将是对习近平 “人类命运共同体”愿景的默认，这将成为奥运会的关键叙事之一。中国驻联合国大使张军在2019年12月向联合国大会介绍北京2022年奥运会时明确了这一点。他说。”奥运会不仅是运动员的竞技场，也是所有国家人民的友谊之桥。… 我们拥有同一个世界和共同的未来，中国将永远是世界和平的建设者，全球发展的贡献者，国际秩序的捍卫者，并将为建设人类共同命运共同体而努力。”
If we don’t want to have a common destiny with Xi Jinping and his totalitarian regime, and if diplomats and dignitaries from the U.S. and its democratic allies don’t want to be part of Beijing’s propaganda spectacle and be used by Xi Jinping and the CCP to help enhance their power and legitimacy, bolster CCP-centered nationalism, and promote a “community of common destiny for mankind,” then we must send a clear message in opposition. Echoing many other human rights activists and scholars, I am calling on the U.S. and its allies to do the following: initiate a joint political boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics; urge businesses and athletes not to participate in the Games; and, if they do participate, encourage them to find creative ways to express their condemnation of the CCP’s crimes against humanity.
如果我们不想与习近平及其极权主义政权有共同的命运，如果美国及其民主盟国的外交官和政要不想成为北京宣传奇观的一部分，不想被习近平和中共利用来帮助提高其权力和合法性，支持以中共为中心的民族主义，促进 “人类命运共同体”，那么我们必须发出明确的反对信息。与其他许多人权活动家和学者一样，我呼吁美国及其盟友采取以下行动：发起对2022年北京冬奥会的联合政治抵制；敦促企业和运动员不要参加奥运会；如果他们参加，鼓励他们找到创造性的方式来表达对中共反人类罪行的谴责。
While a full boycott of the Games is unquestionably justified, and would be a rightful and powerful symbolic gesture, the sad reality is that neither a full boycott nor unconditional participation is likely to improve the human rights situation of any Chinese, Uyghur, Tibetan or Hong Konger. I urge the U.S. government to use this opportunity to make its actions not only punitive but also constructive. A “conditional boycott” thus deserves careful consideration as a way to engage China in a much-needed process of examining and incrementally changing abusive practices and aggressive policies that not only threaten world peace, but China’s own progress and stability as well.
虽然全面抵制奥运会无疑是合理的，而且将是一个正确而有力的象征性姿态，但可悲的现实是，全面抵制或无条件参与都不可能改善任何中国人、维吾尔人、西藏人或香港人的人权状况。我敦促美国政府利用这个机会，使其行动不仅具有惩罚性，而且具有建设性。因此，”有条件的抵制 “值得仔细考虑，它可以让中国参与一个急需的进程，审查并逐步改变不仅威胁世界和平，而且威胁中国自身进步和稳定的滥用行为和侵略性政策。
The timing of the Games carries both opportunities and risks for Xi Jinping. Not long after the Games are to begin, at the 20th Party’s National Congress, he hopes to begin an unprecedented third term as General Secretary of the CCP to assume king-like dominance. Olympic boycotts would tarnish Xi’s image not only abroad, but, more importantly, at home. Moreover, in any dictatorship, political crises inevitably arise revolving around the succession of power – no exceptions. Xi will be extremely vigilant of any factor that could trigger a power struggle within the CCP. In fact, any factor may have such potential during this most critical and most sensitive time. Xi may not want to have the world’s most highly-attended event turn into one of these factors. There is a chance, albeit very slim, that he may choose to be more flexible than usual.
召开奥运会的时机对习近平来说既有机会也有风险。奥运会开始后不久，在党的第二十次全国代表大会上，他希望开始史无前例的第三任中共总书记，以取得国王般的统治地位。抵制奥运不仅会损害习近平在国外的形象，更重要的是会损害他在国内的形象。此外，在任何独裁国家，政治危机都不可避免地围绕着权力的继承而产生，没有例外。习近平将对任何可能引发中共内部权力斗争的因素保持高度警惕。事实上，在这个最关键和最敏感的时期，任何因素都可能有这种可能性。习近平可能不希望世界上关注度最高的活动变成这些因素之一。有一个机会，尽管非常渺茫，他可能会选择比平时更灵活。
The situation demands mutual flexibility. The U.S. and its allies may consider modest, unambiguous and measurable conditions that China could realistically meet in order to give states and civil society more confidence that participation in the Games, which are an inspiring global event, does not signal support for wide-ranging CCP policies that contradict human rights principles. We propose the following:
这种情况需要双方的灵活性。美国及其盟友可以考虑中国可以现实地满足的适度、明确和可衡量的条件，以便让各国和公民社会更有信心，相信参加奥运会这一鼓舞人心的全球活动，并不意味着支持中共违背人权原则的广泛政策。我们建议如下。
· An independent and transparent United Nations investigation of massive detention centers in Xinjiang where Chinese authorities have confined as many as three million Uyghurs and other Chinese Muslims, and in Tibet, where the linguistic and cultural identity of Tibetans has been harshly repressed.
联合国对新疆的大规模拘留中心进行独立和透明的调查，中国当局在那里关押了多达300万维吾尔人和其他中国穆斯林，在西藏，藏族人的语言和文化特性受到严厉压制。
· The immediate release of detained, peaceful pro-democracy political figures and protesters in Hong Kong.
立即释放被拘留的、和平的香港民主政治人物和抗议者。
· The release of Canadian citizens Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, who were detained on trumped-up espionage charges and have been held in secret prisons since December 2018, in retaliation for the detention of Meng Wanzhou, who is the chief financial officer of Huawei, on a United States warrant.
释放加拿大公民Michael Kovrig和Michael Spavor，他们因莫须有的间谍罪被拘留，自2018年12月以来一直被关押在秘密监狱，以报复美国对华为首席财务官孟晚舟的拘留。
· Finally, as a confidence-building measure, Chinese authorities should release Dr. Wang Bingzhang, founder of the overseas Chinese Democracy Movement, who has been serving a life sentence since 2002, allowing the ailing 73-year-old to join his family, who are United States and Canadian citizens.
最后，作为一项建立信任的措施，中国当局应该释放自2002年以来一直在服无期徒刑的海外中国民主运动创始人王炳章博士，允许这位73岁的老人与他的家人团聚，他们都是美国和加拿大公民。
The decision to boycott or not is dividing not only the American political community, but members of the international community as well. Such division can only work in Beijing’s favor, which is why a conditional boycott approach can be a unifying strategy, as well as one that might well have concrete, positive effects.
抵制与否的决定不仅在美国政界，而且在国际社会的成员中造成分裂。这种分裂只能对北京有利，这就是为什么有条件的抵制方法可以成为一种统一的战略，以及可能产生具体的积极影响。
For a “conditional boycott” approach to be effective, countries must be resolute in insisting that the degree of boycott should be determined based on how much these conditions are met before participating in the Games, and ready to boycott the Games if they are not. Yes, it would require a complex process of negotiation and coordination between the United States and its allies, but this would, in the long term, be an exercise in human rights diplomacy outside of discredited United Nations processes.
要使 “有条件抵制 “的方法有效，各国必须坚决地坚持，抵制的程度应根据参加奥运会前满足这些条件的程度来决定，如果不满足这些条件，则准备抵制奥运会。是的，这需要美国和其盟国之间复杂的谈判和协调过程，但从长远来看，这将是在信誉不佳的联合国进程之外进行的人权外交活动。
Moreover, it offers Olympic athletes, and civil society around the world, a way to help improve human rights in China. A full boycott would deprive athletes of either a full field of competitors, or the ability to participate altogether. In contrast, a conditional boycott approach would establish a process in which athletes, who have the greatest stake in the success of the Games, could appeal to the Chinese government to meet the conditions that would ward off boycotts.
此外，它为奥林匹克运动员和世界各地的公民社会提供了一个帮助改善中国人权的途径。全面抵制会使运动员失去全部的竞争者，或者完全失去参与的能力。相比之下，有条件的抵制方法将建立一个程序，在这个程序中，对奥运会的成功有最大利害关系的运动员可以呼吁中国政府满足条件，以避免抵制。
We have hope but don’t count on the conditional boycott to yield concessions from Xi Jinping on human rights issues. In any case, the U.S. and its democratic allies must make their stance of opposition strong and clear; and they must ensure their threat of political boycott is credible if the CCP fails to make the necessary concessions. Whatever action we take, it may not change the CCP’s behavior in the short term. But this is not a one-shot game. It is a long and arduous contest between democracy and dictatorship. As Andrea Worden stated in her recent article, “a diplomatic boycott, together with our allies and partners, is about upholding our shared values and principles, our shared embrace of human rights and a shared moral duty not to be complicit in genocide and other horrific human rights abuses. It is incumbent upon the like-minded democracies to clearly communicate, through actions and words, that we condemn the CCP regime’s human rights atrocities and its contempt for the rules-based international order, and that we refuse to participate in the celebration and glorification of Xi Jinping and his New Era.”
我们有希望，但不要指望有条件的抵制会让习近平在人权问题上做出让步。在任何情况下，美国及其民主盟友都必须坚定而明确地表明其反对立场；而且他们必须确保，如果中共未能做出必要的让步，他们的政治抵制威胁是可信的。无论我们采取什么行动，都可能无法在短期内改变中共的行为。但这不是一个一蹴而就的游戏。它是一场民主与独裁之间的长期而艰巨的较量。正如Andrea Worden在她最近的文章中所说，”外交抵制，与我们的盟友和伙伴一起，是为了维护我们共同的价值观和原则，我们对人权的共同拥护，以及不参与种族灭绝和其他可怕的人权侵犯的共同道德责任。志同道合的民主国家有责任通过行动和语言清楚地表明，我们谴责中共政权的人权暴行及其对基于规则的国际秩序的蔑视，我们拒绝参与对习近平及其新时代的庆祝和颂扬。”
Due to the time limit, I will present on another occasion to Congress my suggestions on what else the U.S. should do about China’s genocide, torture, forced labor and growing digital dictatorship as well as share information about China’s increasingly common use of torture against prisoners of conscience.
由于时间有限，我将在另一个场合向国会提出我的建议，即美国还应该对中国的种族灭绝、酷刑、强迫劳动和日益增长的数字独裁统治做些什么，并分享关于中国越来越普遍地对政治犯使用酷刑的信息。
Before closing, I would like to urge all concerned parties to ask the IOC two questions.
在结束之前，我想敦促所有相关各方向国际奥委会提出两个问题。
1. China responded to the COVID-19 epidemic by covering up its outbreak, cracking down on whistleblowers, falsifying casualty data, and misleading the world. How can the IOC guarantee China’s transparency if another wave of the pandemic breaks out in China during the Games, which will last 8 weeks? This concerns the safety of the athletes and all other participants.
中国在应对COVID-19疫情时，掩盖了疫情，打击了举报人，伪造了伤亡数据，并误导了世界。如果在持续8周的奥运会期间，中国爆发了另一波大流行病，国际奥委会如何保证中国的透明度？这关系到运动员和所有其他参与者的安全。
2. I mentioned earlier that in 2015, before the IOC made its final decision to let Beijing host the 2022 Winter Olympics, IOC official Mark Adams stated in a letter that Beijing had given the IOC new “assurances” concerning “human rights, the right to demonstrate, media freedom to report on the Games with no restrictions on the Internet, labor rights, displacement, and environmental protection.” Can the IOC make China’s assurances public?
我之前提到，2015年，在国际奥委会做出让北京举办2022年冬奥会的最终决定之前，国际奥委会官员马克-亚当斯在一封信中表示，北京已经向国际奥委会做出了新的 “保证”，涉及 “人权、示威权利、媒体可以不受网控可以自由报道奥运会、劳工权利、驱除低端人口和环境保护”。国际奥委会能否将中国的保证公之于众？
Meanwhile, the IOC contract appears to demand media freedom only for the eight-week period before the Games and only concerning the sporting events themselves. Therefore, Beijing is free to deny visas to journalists seeking to report on the development of the Olympic venues, to censor reports about human-rights abuses and labor rights violations, and to use its array of national security laws to threaten or arrest journalists publishing inconvenient reports.
同时，国际奥委会的合同似乎只要求在奥运会前的八周内有媒体自由，而且只涉及体育赛事本身。因此，北京可以自由地拒绝向报道奥运场馆建设的记者发放签证，审查有关侵犯人权和违反劳工权利的报道，并利用其一系列国家安全法来威胁或逮捕发表对其不利报道的记者。
Beyond media freedom, the rest of Beijing’s commitments are unknown and have been shielded from public scrutiny in confidential documents cited by the contract.
除了媒体自由之外，北京的其他承诺不为人知，而且在合同所引用的机密文件中被屏蔽，不受公众监督。
If the IOC is serious about producing a better outcome in 2022 than it did in 2008, it must make public its evaluation of Beijing’s performance on human rights, labor rights and environmental protection the last time around. The IOC’s report after 2008 said merely that, “To those who have criticized the IOC on human rights issues, one can argue that the Games have elevated international dialogue on such issues among governments, world leaders, politicians, NGOs, and pressure groups.” That is a big lie.
如果国际奥委会真的想在2022年产生比2008年更好的结果，它必须公开它对北京上次在人权、劳工权利和环境保护方面表现的评估。国际奥委会在2008年之后的报告中只是说：”对于那些在人权问题上批评国际奥委会的人来说，可以说奥运会提升了政府、世界领导人、政治家、非政府组织和压力团体之间关于此类问题的国际对话”。这是个大谎言。
This is just another example of why Chinese leaders always get a new license to act with impunity. Enough is enough.
这只是另一个例子，说明为什么中国领导人总是获得新的许可，可以不受惩罚继续按他们的意愿行事。够了，够了。
Nancy Pelosi, participant, 众院议长佩洛西，发言者之一
Sophie Rechardson，participant 理查森，人权观察中国部主任，发言者之一
